[jointly researched and published at AlsoAlso and Preemptive Karma]
Since the election contest in Washington appears to be
moving forward to the trial phase, we felt it was important to understand the
evidence being proffered by the Republicans to have the election set
aside. The prime Republican target for
allegations of misconduct has been King County. King is the largest county in the state and has become a
lightning rod for Rossi, the state Republican Party (led by the obstreperous
Chris Vance) and the rightwing talk/blog echo chamber, led on this issue by
Stefan Sharkansky and SoundPolitics.com.
We want to be clear: King County has made some mistakes in
this election. Perhaps the most glaring
is the one SoundPolitics has dropped from their radar: the 723 ballots
initially rejected for not having signatures on file in the computer when they
knew that some signatures weren’t yet in the computer. In our opinion, the rejection of valid votes
is always worse than the acceptance of invalid votes, unless the result of
official fraud.
But where Democrats in a place
like Ohio were frustrated
by attempts to gain more information from election officials, we have
found election officials in Washington to be generally open, helpful and
dedicated. Surpisingly this has remained true even in the face of a vitriolic
echo chamber and a heavy burden placed on them by the contest litigants.
These experiences are what gives
us such a dim view of the way Sharkansky and SP have gone about their campaign.
Too often, the charges have been leveled in a careless manner. Unfortunately,
what's emerged is a pattern of discovery and accusation, then publication and
THEN perhaps checking to see whether the story's right. Corrections are often
made grudgingly and fleetingly.
The most visible mistake was
asking the postal service about bulk mailing of military overseas ballots, and
not asking about the right bulk mail license. With a minimum of fact checking,
Carla was able to suss
that one out and defuse the allegations. It's not just election stories,
either--this week an associate was incredulous that state laws regarding art
set-asides on building projects, would cause an unholy 16mil to be
spent on art in front of a sewage plant. Apparently no one asked the
development team until later, when it was discovered that the set-aside is not
calculated on the total development cost, as SP had blithely assumed. SP
corrected their error, but not until well after their article ran.
So when Sharkansky declared with
typical hyperbole that he was compiling the "definitive" analysis of
King County's votes, we were interested but skeptical.
Sharkansky acquired the public
records that were available on the county's results and voter rolls, compared
them, and concluded that contrary to King's assertion of around 2,100 anomalies,
the total number was actually more than 3,700. Wow! “County
Underestimates, Hides Vote Discrepancy 70% Bigger Than Initial Report!”
Get Brit Hume on the horn!
Sharkansky's
prime contention was that the 2,100 figure represented only a net discrepancy:
voters without ballots and separate ballots without voters were allowed to
cancel each other out, rather than counting as two separate errors instead of
zero. That's a valid charge, if proven. An unmatched vote is an unmatched
vote. But the devil is definitely in the details, and that's where it would
have helped to pursue some extra knowledge about trying to replicate the
county's totals. (Hopefully ignorance is the excuse, anyway).
The two vital pieces in
reconciling the books are the voter list, and the tally of cast ballots. Ballot
tallies are easy enough to compile, we did it as easily as Sharkansky or anyone
else can, by downloading data files available at the County site. King County
released a list of registered voters as of Nov 1. The next two releases were
lists of voters credited with voting (December 30 and January 7). Both were
preliminary but successively refined lists.
There are over 2600 individual
precincts in King County. Most polling places serve multiple precincts. Cast
your ballot at the wrong table and you'll be misfiled. King County recorded less than one
discrepancy per precinct, according to their figures. Another avenue to error is the fact that the publicly released manual recount figures are not broken down by ballot type (polls, absentee, provisionals, etc.) Rather blithely, Sharkansky reconciles the problem this way: "I used the counts of each type of ballot per precinct from the machine recount, but the precinct total from the manual recount, realizing that the totals would still be off by 1 or 2 in some precincts." Say, arbitrarily, it's _at least_ one in a quarter of the precincts. That's a variance of around 650 that is created not by King, but by Sharkanksy's attempts to fact-check King.
By Sharkansky’s own admissions,
he struggled to create a file that he believed would match what King worked
with to reconcile their data. But his struggle was futile from the start, which
he must have known: King didn’t reconcile their data at the precinct level,
they did it voter by voter, pollbook line by pollbook line. How can you claim
you’ve done the definitive analysis, when you don’t even have the right file
defined? We don’t think you can.
In the next piece, we’ll talk
more about King’s electoral process, and see whether their performance is out
of step with the rest of the state.
--TJ and Carla
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